Some Libertarian Questions for Trump
... before he speaks at the Libertarian Party convention this weekend.
DONALD TRUMP WILL ADDRESS the Libertarian Party’s national convention this Saturday, May 25, hoping to get libertarians to back his presidential bid. His appearance at the convention will be remarkable not just because the Libertarian Party ostensibly is committed to promoting its own to-be-determined presidential candidate, but because Trump was one of the most illiberal presidents in American history.
Writing in The Bulwark earlier this month, Tyler Groenendal explained the total leadership makeover that brought the Libertarian Party to this point. In its press release announcing Trump’s appearance, the party rationalizes inviting the ex-president by saying he will “directly address concerns voiced by [party] members.” That’s unlikely; he’ll almost certainly deliver his customary ninety-plus-minute mashup of adviser-written stump speech and cringey stream-of-consciousness banter, and never mention any of the seemingly countless ways his political positions and the record of his 2017–21 presidency conflict with principles that libertarians hold dear.
But in case he does, in fact, want to discuss libertarian concerns, here are a few questions for him to answer:
In early 2021, Trump tried to overthrow the republic and unconstitutionally extend his presidency. He justified this by making ridiculous false claims that the 2020 election was somehow “stolen” from him. Does he think it’s a threat to liberty for a ruler to cling to power after voters have lawfully removed him from office?
Trump has claimed that because a couple of websites blocked links to a news story he believed was damaging to a political opponent, that “allows for the termination of all rules, regulations, and articles, even those found in the Constitution.” What else does he believe allows terminating laws and the Constitution?
Trump has said many times that Article II of the Constitution gives presidents “the right to do whatever [they] want as president.” Does he still believe this? Can he quote the pertinent passage?
Trump has repeatedly claimed, and his lawyers have argued to the Supreme Court, that “a president of the United States must have full immunity” from any criminal prosecution, “without which it would be impossible for him/her to properly function,” and that “even events that ‘cross the line’ [of legality] must fall under total immunity.” Wouldn’t putting presidents above the law threaten Americans’ liberty? Does he think other government officials need similar immunity?
In 2020 Trump condemned the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act’s Section 702 for allowing “warrantless surveillance of Americans.” Yet in 2018 he approved the law’s renewal. This spring, he initially condemned Section 702 while Congress was debating its most recent renewal, but he then went quiet and the renewal passed into law. How does he explain this flip-flopping?
Trump has often spoken admiringly of the strength and intelligence of authoritarian foreign leaders and their repression of critics and liberal activists. Does he aspire to be a similar leader? Does he admire any liberal leaders, and if so, who and why?
In 2022 the Libertarian Party retracted a platform plank condemning “bigotry as irrational and repugnant.” Does Trump believe bigotry is irrational and repugnant?
Trump often describes America’s trade deficit as unfair and proof of “bad trade deals.” As president he imposed tariffs in a failed effort to close those imbalances. Now, he’s promising a 10 percent tariff on all imports and additional tariffs as high as 100 percent on specific goods. The Trump Organization has trade deficits with its venders and employees. If the federal government were to impose a 10 percent tax on his firm’s purchases and payroll, would that make the Trump Organization great again, or would it hurt his firm’s economic freedom?
In his last year as president, Trump laid the groundwork for withdrawing U.S. troops from Afghanistan, a “foreign entanglement” in a country half a world away. If he gets a second term, would he likewise end American entanglement in another war half a world away, in Gaza and Israel? What about Ukraine?
In 2016 Trump vowed to zero out the federal deficit in eight years. But as president, he added nearly $8 trillion to the U.S. debt—roughly equal to what Barack Obama added in his eight-year presidency and the same as what Joe Biden is projected to add by January 2025. What’s the difference between Trump’s fiscal stewardship and Obama’s and Biden’s?
Also in 2016, Trump vowed to cut “regulation at a tremendous clip.” Yet the number of regulatory restrictions and pages in the Code of Federal Regulations during his presidency was little changed from the end of the Obama administration or current levels in the Biden administration. How is he any more of a deregulator that Obama or Biden?
In about a decade, Social Security retiree benefits are slated to be cut more than 20 percent as program revenues fall short of outlays, the program’s trust fund will be exhausted, and Congress will have repaid all the money it borrowed from the program. Trump has consistently vowed to protect Social Security (and Medicare) benefits. How would he avoid those cuts?
Many foreigners wait decades after applying to enter the United States before the U.S. government allows them to legally immigrate. How long did Trump’s grandfather, Friedrich, wait to enter the United States when he left Bavaria at age 16?
The killings of Garrett Foster and Roger Fortson for peacefully and lawfully exercising their right to keep and bear arms should trouble all principled libertarians and other Second Amendment supporters. Foster’s murderer was pardoned by Texas Gov. Greg Abbott for dubious reasons while Fortson was killed by a police officer. Does Trump believe Americans forfeit the protection of law if they lawfully exercise their Second Amendment right?
Each of these concerns is rooted in core libertarian principles. As the Libertarian Party claims to be “the party of principle,” Trump’s responses should be illuminating for party members—and indeed for all Americans.