

JASON ALDEANāS āTRY THAT IN A SMALL TOWNā is bigger in controversy than charm. Itās not a very good song, nor a very coherent oneābut itās a culture-war hit. The song seems to glorify mob violence in service of a mythical ideal of a small town. With the lyricsā threatening refraināāTry that in a small town / See how far you make it down the road / āRound here, we take care of our own / You cross that line, it wonāt take long / For you to find outāāand the music videoās emphasis on flag burning, ACAB, and gun control, it leans into right-wing fears. The original music video, which combined footage of riots with clips of Black Lives Matter protests, seemingly implying they were linked, has been yanked.
Aldean has tried to defend the song from its critics in ways that Mona Charen has rightly described as āfatuousā and ādisingenuous.ā Still, Aldeanās own views are less interesting and important than the reception the song has received. (Indeed, while Aldean has never been shy about his politics, he didnāt actually write the songās lyrics.) Once the controversy hit large-scale conservative outlets, streams of the song went from less than 1 million to 11.7 million in less than a week, and the YouTube version of the video went from 350,000 views to 16.6 million. As of this writing, itās over 23 million.
Some of the Republican presidential wannabes have taken to playing Aldeanās song at their events, and as the controversy about the song grew, Donald Trump felt compelled to weigh in:
I was thinking of Aldeanās song as I watched the coverage of Trumpās rally in Erie, Pennsylvania this past weekend, where the rhetoric of mob violenceāor even of murder fantasiesāwas disturbingly on display.
Right Side Broadcasting Networkāa pro-Trump internet network that started as a one-man Trump admiration societyāwas there for the entire Trump event in Erie. And one of the things circulating on Twitter on Saturday was an interview with attendees outside the rally. The interviewer, Matthew Alvarez, talked with a man who said, āIām here to guarantee Trump gets back in, and get rid of the corruption thatās in the White House right now. Itās a disgrace. Heās a, Joe Biden is a disgrace to this country.ā Alvarez replies, āHe is a disgrace and so are all the left and the RINOs and the globalists.ā And the man says back, āKill them, every one of them. They can kill them all. Kill them all.ā Alvarez responded, āI agree with thatā before moving on to the next person in line. Alvarez later retracted his remarks. And perhaps both Alvarez and the interviewee should be given the benefit of the doubt: On live TV, in front of a camera and microphone, people sometimes say stupid things that they donāt mean, things they instantly regret. But itās an ugly moment.
ONE WAY TO THINK ABOUT THE VIDEO, where at least some of the people in line say they are ready for the murders to start, is as at least partially a performance. So much of what surrounds Trump is performativeāthe idea that heās a successful businessman is a TV show, not a reality. The notion that heās ultramasculine is made for 8kun memes, not reality. The idea that heās a God-touched avatar of the presidency is a subject of fantasy artwork (or whatever one calls the work of Jon McNaughton). And the rhetoric of violence that suffuses the contemporary far right is at least partially performative in that way.
Trump loves the side glance and the plausible deniabilityābut the malice that comes with it is clear. Representative Mike Kelly took to the stage during the Erie rally to pose challenge questions to the crowd:
How much do you hate losing? How hard is it, that you will go to any extreme to keep from losing? What length will we go to? What price will we pay? What role will we play? Youāve got to hate losing with everything in your body. And if you do that, the byproduct of that is that youāre going to win. Youāre going to win.
Itās not a call to anything in particularāitās a series of questions that opens the door to anything at all. And in this contextāagain, this is a Trump rallyāwe have to remember what āhating losingā has already meant. Trump made the link himself. He said in Erie:
They want to take away our election. Weāre leading Biden by a lot. And they want to try and demean and hurt us, all of us. You know, theyāre not indicting me, theyāre indicting you, I just happen to be standing in their way, thatās all it is.
And then, later:
The Biden administration is trying to make it illegal to even question the results or the outcome of an election. If you question the rigged election youāre a āconspiracy theoristā! They donāt want to talk about it. Because they cheated like nobody has ever cheated. But only a party that cheats in elections would try to make it illegal to question them, they donāt want āem questioned.
Two and a half years after January 6th, with separate indictments reportedly pending for his involvement in the scheme to overturn the 2020 election, Trump is still saying what he was saying then: that the election was rigged and that they had to save America. And Trump has never stopped this message.
And itās not just the election lies that he continues to repeat. Remember how, at his rally on the morning of January 6th, Trump told the crowd that if Joe Biden were sworn in, āour country will be destroyed and weāre not going to stand for thatā? The same kind of existential, life-or-death rhetoric was on offer in Erie: āIf these corrupt persecutions of our people succeed, they will complete their takeover of this country and destroy your way of life forever. And you know what, once that happens, this country will be in turmoil, thereās really no coming back. We have one chance to save it. And that chance is called 2024.ā
The refrain is that the election was rigged, that the Biden administration is corrupt, and that you, the real American, are being persecutedāthat the evil they will ādestroy your way of life forever.ā As on January 6th, this kind of rhetoric does not explicitly call for violence, but violence is implicit in it. Other people surrounding Trump build off of it, feed off of it, use it as a jumping-off point to threaten actual violenceāCharlie Kirk, for instance, who called last week for President Biden to be either put in prison or given the death penalty for the supposed crimes Trump keeps discussing.
And maybe itās just rhetoricābut when Trump posted a suggestion of former President Obamaās home address on Truth Social, a QAnon conspiracy theorist and January 6th attacker went after Obama with rhetoric suggesting an assassination attempt during his livestream.
Itās always just rhetoric until the murders become real, not performative.
AT THE END OF TRUMPāS ERIE RALLY, one of the songs in the playlist reminded QAnon adherents of their song, ā#WWG1WGA,ā or āWhere We Go One, We Go Allā (a similarity first noticed last year). And although we pay less attention to QAnon nowadays, itās worth remembering that its adherents havenāt disappeared, and that the heart of QAnonās fictional eschatology is a murder fantasy, too, the fantasy that all of their opponents will be rounded up and killed by the government.
This is the grotesque vision that unites these thingsāa Jason Aldean song, a Trump rally, and QAnon: What they want is a different world, a purified world in which all of the people unlike them are gone. And gone with violence. Each of them invites or at least imagines violence done to their opponents to drive them out of their utopian future.
What they all hope for, though, is that someone else will do the dirty work for them.
What if the rhetoric keeps spreading, keeps moving into mainstream spaces and conversations and political discourse?
And what if Trumpās supporters lose in 2024?
And what if, as on January 6th, some of them take the violent vision seriously enough to act on it?
And what if, one bloody day, it isnāt just rhetoric anymore?